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Yes!
SA: There was another blog post (on the Oregon Economics Blog) that suggested that you guys use the economic term 'signalling' by pricing yourself higher to signal to consumers that your beer is of a higher quality. I know that you said that wasn't true, but I would like to see if you have more of a response to that.
Brett: Yeah, I'm not smart enough to know what 'signalling' is, but I would just say this, there is a lot that goes into the packaging, there is a lot of hops and malt that goes into our products. We have never told John in 21 years what to put into the beer. He is an artist, and it is our job to get out of the way and let him practice his craft, and it is our job to go sell it, go market it. Our beer is not inexpensive to make. It's because of ingredients and because of packaging, not because of 'signalling'. I don't even know what that means!
English Premier League | ||
January 20, 2010 | P | Pts |
Arsenal | 22 | 48 |
Chelsea | 21 | 48 |
Manchester United | 22 | 47 |
Tottenham Hotspur | 22 | 38 |
Manchester City | 21 | 38 |
Liverpool | 22 | 37 |
MINNEAPOLIS—Christopher Slinde, a lifetime Minnesota Vikings fan who has endured decades of heartbreak and lots of overpriced beer in supporting his team, believes Vikings fandom is priceless. According to economists, it's worth $530.65.
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As fans pack stadiums and couches to watch the National Football League's divisional playoffs this weekend, they care about victory. Economists are tackling a more abstract challenge: putting a price on the emotional benefits of having a pro sports team in town.
The worth of fandom may seem theoretical, or even silly. But it's serious business for teams like the Vikings, who want Minnesotans to help them pay for an $870 million stadium to replace the Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome in downtown Minneapolis. The Vikings' Metrodome lease runs out in 2011 and the team says it won't sign an extension without a deal for a new stadium.
The team hasn't explicitly said it will bolt without a deal. But it insists the Metrodome cannot support a modern NFL franchise. So, many fans are convinced that without a new stadium, the Vikings will take their quest for football greatness to a warmer state with no Nordic heritage.
Sports teams sell their facilities as economic-development projects that create jobs and generate tax revenue. But a slew of studies have shown that publicly subsidized stadiums—usually paid for by selling bonds and paying the cost and interest with tax revenue–rarely return the money governments put into them. Teams continue to argue, often successfully, that they are worthy of subsidies because they are a source of civic pride and purpose.
But what is that worth? Economists Aju Fenn and John Crooker tried to answer the question in a study published in July 2009 in the Southern Economic Journal.
The two used "contingent valuation methodology," which is a nerdy way of saying they surveyed people and used statistical models to turn the answers into an average price Minnesotans place on the Vikings.
The result: The Vikings' "welfare value" is $702,351,890— $530.65 for each of the roughly 1.32 million households in Minnesota.
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You couldn't touch that money. It's an abstract figure meant to catch everything from the joy of donning blond braids and Vikings horns to the feeling of pride that even nonfans get from living in a "major league" city. In the broadest sense, Mr. Crooker says, "welfare value" represents the worth Minnesotans place on having the Vikings in Minnesota.
It's tough putting a price on feelings, which is why some economists are skeptical of contingent value studies.
"It's not that this is capturing nothing, it's just that it's not legitimate to interpret people's answers as if folks were spending their own money," says Peter Diamond, an MIT economist. He co-authored a 1994 paper titled: "Contingent Valuation: Is Some Number Better Than No Number?"
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Survey questions were fine-tuned by the Metrodome experience. In the 2002 off-season (to minimize in-season emotions), Messrs. Fenn and Crooker mailed 1,400 surveys to households across Minnesota, capturing both fans and nonfans.
The study's figures were based on the mail surveys, which had 30 questions ranging from demographic information to how much time the person discussed the Vikings at home and at work. But the so-called welfare value was generated from a single yes or no question: Would you be willing to pay $X out of your own household budget for the next year to make a new stadium possible? There was one price on each survey (it ranged from $5 to $100).
Mr. Fenn cautions that the $702 million welfare value doesn't mean that helping the Vikings with a stadium would be the best use of the state's tax dollars.
"We're not suggesting that the state of Minnesota act a certain way, or that voters support [a new stadium], or not support it," he says. "We're just pointing out that the Vikings mean a lot to the average Minnesotan."
Even before Tuesday’s devastating earthquake, Haiti had a distressed economy.
It is one of the poorest countries in the Western hemisphere, with around 80 percent of the population living under the poverty line and 54 percent living in abject poverty, according to the CIA World Factbook. More than two-thirds of the labor force are believed to not have formal jobs, and just 62.1 percent of adults over age 15 are literate, according to the United Nations Human Development Report.
Haiti also has among the world’s lowest levels of gross domestic product per capita.
Despite the destruction wreaked by multiple tropical storms in 2008, in many ways Haiti’s economy and infrastructure-building seemed to be turning a corner in recent years, aided by international support and debt relief programs.
In fact, Haiti was one of only two Caribbean countries expected to grow in 2009. There were hopes of a tourism revival, reinforced by the announcement that a new Comfort Inn would open there this May. In a sign of its growing structural sophistication, Haiti even recently announced that it would begin collecting better national statistics, with the help of theInternational Monetary Fund, so that it could better assess and calibrate its economic policies.
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For more information on Haiti’s economic development and challenges, gohere, here, here, here and here.
Update: Here are some theories from Tyler Cowen about why Haiti has remained so poor.
Professional standards in our field include a peer review process for quality control, and the backing of a well-established research institute, university or respected consulting firm. Research results always are made transparent, and data and methods are made available freely to other researchers who might want to examine them in detail.
Claims that 70,000 jobs will be lost due to the “job killing taxes” represented by Measures 66 and 67 are not based on estimates that conform to these standards of the economics profession. These estimates were not subjected to peer review — at least not voluntarily. When examined by nationally recognized experts on state and local public finance at the Brookings Institution, the result was a scathing report concluding that the analyses were “without merit.”
The economists behind these job-killing estimates have failed to fully explain their methods. Indeed, months after presenting to voters their estimate of 70,000 lost jobs, they are now backtracking on these “guesstimates.” They recently substituted a new paper that purports to come to the same conclusions but using completely new data and different statistical methods. However, they have refused to make their new data and new methods available to other economists or the public.
In addition, these economists have misrepresented the conclusions of scholarly publications and institutions (including statements in the Oregon Voters’ Pamphlet). Perhaps most tellingly, none of these economists is affiliated for purposes of this analysis with an institution with a reputation for unbiased research.
Voters should understand that there is no exact way to estimate the long-term effects of changes in taxes and public services on jobs and economic growth. The evidence from 30 years of economic research, however, reinforces common sense: When your taxes and public services are among the lowest in the country, the benefits from improving poor public services — especially education — are likely to outweigh the costs of modest increases in taxes.
I support measures 66 and 67 because, based on economic evidence, I believe that the risk to the economy from declining education funding far outweighs the potential harm of the taxes themselves.
Economists understand that taxes have consequences, but the effect of these taxes on most businesses and individuals in Oregon will be minimal and the state will remain one of the lowest business tax states in the country. How low? According to the conservative Tax Foundation, even with the new taxes, Oregon will rank 14th in lowest tax states. Thus Oregon businesses are neither excessively burdened by taxes, nor likely to find greener pastures elsewhere. The effect of the new taxes on employment is therefore likely to be very small, and may be more than offset in the short-run by jobs preserved in social services, public safety and education.
Rejecting these new taxes will, however, likely lead to very severe and long-run consequences on the Oregon economy through the decline in investment in education. The positive economic effects of education are empirically well founded. Economic research by Eric Hanushek of Stanford University has found ‘significant growth effects’ from the improved cognitive abilities that result from investments in education. Claudia Goldin and Larry Katz of Harvard have found that a large part of what explains the phenomenal economic success of the United States in the 20th century is the investment the country made in education. The same is true for states: more educated states tend to be more economically successful than less educated states. It is no accident, for example, that the state of California built the world’s best system of public higher education and saw its economy grow to the 10th largest in the world and become a key engine of growth for the US economy in the second half of the 20th century.
So how is Oregon currently doing in terms of public investment in education? Miserably. In K-12, Oregon currently ranks 49th in the nation in terms of class size and has a school year that is three weeks shorter than the national average. In higher education, Oregon ranks 41st in terms of per-student funding. The percentage of Oregonians earning a college degree is actually decreasing through time. Clearly we are not currently on track to create an economy characterized by healthy growth and job creation and we cannot afford to fall any farther behind.
It is also important to note that private business benefit directly from public investment in education: research by Enrico Moretti of the University of California at Berkeley has found that businesses enjoy increased productivity from locating in cities with a large share of college graduates. In other words, a highly educated population makes businesses more productive.
The Oregonian and others have argued that we should hold out for something better and reject 66 and 67. But the country and the state are in the midst of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, we do not have the luxury to wait for something better. Research has shown that even temporary disruptions in education can have lifetime consequences for students. Inarguably the state needs to fix its broken revenue system and we should all demand that it do so soon. But we need the temporary fix that 66 and 67 provide right now. Without investment in the education of Oregon’s children, the future economic prosperity of the state is at risk.
The SeaGen is akin to a submerged windmill that is driven by flowing water, and the Bristol-based company already has a small-scale operation established in Strangford Lough, Northern Ireland, where it has been generating 1.2 megawatts of electricity since April 2008.
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Considering SeaGen’s development costs, its makers reckon the device generates electricity at about $5.5 million per megawatt installed — or roughly double the cost of offshore wind energy.
They consider that a victory.
“How many millions of kilowatts of wind are installed already, and here I’ve got one machine and I’m one small firm and I’m only twice the price?” said Martin Wright, the company’s managing director. “We haven’t even started going down the cost-reduction curve yet.”
Energy derived from ocean tides and waves has been eagerly pursued for years by dozens of companies, mostly in Europe and the United States, but it has been stymied by technological setbacks and limited funding. No large scale commercial operation yet exists.
Benj Sykes, who helps develop renewable energy technology at the Carbon Trust, a group funded by the British government, said he sees “significant potential” for wave and tidal energy. But he added that the technology is expensive to develop because testing must be done in the ocean rather than on land, unlike with wind turbines.